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Introduction

Acknowledgements

Preface

One

Suspending Judgment: The Post-Industrial City Transformed

The Japanese Urban Continuum

Industrial Archipelago

The Port of Nagoya

Interchange

Enterprise Zone

Terminal

Kinjo Pier Logistics Terminal

Interface

The Bridge of Hesitation

Strategies of the Void

Workplace

Two

Generic City

The Ville Radieuse Legacy

The Radiant City in Japan

Agents of Transformation and the "Death" of Urbanism

Nagoya’s New City

Mobility vs. Proximity

The Problem of Quantity

Preeminence of the Decorated Shed

Dead Space

Defunct Strategies

The Fourth Skin

Trauma of the New Interior

Death of the Façade

Zero-Degree Architecture

The Workplace Revisited

Three

Staging Uncertainty

Vivicities

Infratecture

Unveiling the Hidden Order

The New Fringe

Cité Post-Industrielle

Wiring the City

Complex Program

Eye of the Storm

In Place of the Public?

References

[1M3] TERMINAL.

Liverpool Street StationThe train terminal is one of the most familiar industrial-era typologies. Like the transformation of our definition of city, however, the terminal has assumed a broader meaning in our vocabulary. Today, terminals boast access to, and exchanges between, several different means of transportation. Equally important is the fact that transportation terminals have evolved into complex, multi-dimensional social condensers which are effectively urban microcosms. Airports, train stations, subways, bus stations, and ferry terminals have all advanced far beyond their typological origins into a new species, in most cases replacing the piazza as the new ‘civic’ space.

This is certainly the case in Japan, where airports and ferry terminals occupy their own artificial islands, and train stations are typically the largest, most diverse urban complexes for collective activity, usually sprawling across many city blocks. Every major city on the eastern seaboard of Honshu island possesses a sophisticated train terminal with virtually every function and amenity. Barthes writes of the station as being the "spiritually empty" center of the Japanese city.21 He describes his experience in the train terminals of Tokyo in the 1960’s:

TerminalThe station, a vast organism which houses the big trains, the urban trains, the subway, a department store, and a whole underground commerce - the station gives the district its landmark which, according to certain urbanists, permits the city to signify, to be read. The Japanese station is crossed by a thousand functional trajectories, from the journey to the purchase, from the garment to food: a train can open onto a shoe stall. Dedicated to commerce, to transition, to departure, and yet kept in a unique structure, the station (moreover, is this what this new complex should be called?) is stripped of the sacred character which ordinarily qualifies the major landmarks of our cities: cathedrals, town halls, historical monuments... To cross the city (or to penetrate its depth, for underground there are whole networks of bars, shops to which you sometimes gain access by a simple entryway, so that, once through this narrow door, you discover, dense and sumptuous, the black India of commerce and pleasure) is to travel from the top of Japan to the bottom, to superimpose on its topography the writing of its faces.22

Map of Shinjuku StationBecause these stations are all connected by the arterial Tokaido corridor, the average Japanese (and especially tourist) spends a significant amount of time in them. In fact, a one to two hour commute is common for millions of Tokyo workers five to six days a week. In her article "Contagion," Sandra Buckley offers an understanding of the Japanese city as a "complex spatiotemporal configuration constituted in and out of movement."23 She provides this description of the complex infrastructural systems serving the Japanese commuter:

High-tech railroad systems speed commuters on express trains from the most outlying suburbs into central exchanges where they transfer onto the underground system that runs three and four layers deep at major hubs. The management of the flow of millions of commuters through this subterranean net requires technical precision at every stage, from the scheduling of trains and the speed of escalators to the surface to detailed evacuation procedures, sophisticated ventilation, back-up electrical generators large enough to run a small town, automated ticket machines, and wickets. On the major freeways huge computerized screens warn drivers of road hazards and delays and flash recommended alternative routes. Trucks, commercial-hire cars, and private vehicles alike frequently sport a satellite-controlled mapping system that, in addition to providing traffic information, offers updates on weather and lists hotels, restaurants, and other facilities in an area on request. Commuter movement is ordered to create a smooth and predictable flow of traffic and to avoid arterial blockages.24

Sony GPS AdvertisementBuckley writes of commuter space and the movement through it as being unproductive and unremarkable; "dead time, vacuous space."25 Because commuting occupies such a significant place in the typical Japanese schedule, it has traditionally served to separate different sides of Japanese life, such as home and work. However, Japanese commuter space has increasingly offered artificial means for mollifying this distinction, in an attempt to fill the dead time, in the form of surrogate socio/cultural experiences. In his essay titled "Architecture in a Simulated City," Toyo Ito describes the kinds of artificial experiences which this smooth, ‘in between’ space allows, as part of the larger notion of what he calls ‘vacant brightness’ in the contemporary Japanese city:

Simulated life is based on the saran wrap of society. For instance, men and women stop at places before going home after work in order to eat, sing, dance, talk, watch movies, go to theaters, play games, or shop. The time and space positioned somewhere between office and home for such activities are fully functional. People eat whatever is served there as if the dishes were cooked by their mothers; sing and dance as if they were movie stars; discuss topics with whomever happens to be there as if they were best friends; shop to cultivate rich dreams; and exercise in an artificial space as if they were running in a field or swimming in the sea. All are simulations, from the space to the actions to whatever experiences one gains there.26Japanese Mall


21Barthes, Roland, Empire of Signs, Trans. Richard Howard (New York: Hill and Wang, 1982) p. 38

22Ibid., p. 38-42

23Buckley, Sandra, "Contagion" in Anywise, Ed. Cynthia Davidson (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 1996) p. 83

24Ibid., pp. 83-84

25Ibid., p. 84

26Ito, Toyo, "Architecture in a Simulated City," Anywhere, Ed. Cynthia Davidson (New York: Rizzoli, 1992) p. 197

Images: 1. Liverpool Street Station, 2. Terminal, 3. Map of Shinjuku Station, Tokyo, 4. Sony GPS Advertisement, 5. Japanese Mall

 

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A Master's Thesis in Architecture at Rice University by Blaine Brownell.

Copyright © 1998 by Blaine Brownell. All rights reserved.